The health and social well-being of women and children remain central priorities for public policy and development in Asia. In India, numerous welfare programs have been introduced to address maternal and child health, nutrition, and access to services (United Nations, 2023; World Health Organization, 2024). However, the effectiveness of such programs often depends not only on their design and resource allocation but also on how well they are communicated to intended beneficiaries (Rogers, 2003). Without effective outreach, large segments of the population may remain unaware of entitlements, leading to underutilization of available services.
Mass media and interpersonal channels are crucial to health communication, as they shape public opinion, provide information about services, and influence attitudes toward program participation (Kreps & Thornton, 1992; McQuail, 2010). However, their impact varies by demographic factors, geographic access, and cultural context. Evaluating these patterns is particularly important in regions like Chhattisgarh, which has both urban and rural populations (Census of India, 2011) and a diverse media landscape shaped by regional and national communication channels.
The Durg District of Chhattisgarh provides a relevant case for examining how communication affects women’s and children’s welfare programs. Earlier descriptive studies in the Durg District have noted diverse media consumption patterns among women and children, underscoring the need for localized communication strategies. Building on this, the present study evaluates public opinion regarding four government programs: Mukhyamantri Suposhan Yojana, which provides nutritional support to pregnant women and children under five; Dai Didi Clinic, which delivers primary healthcare services specifically for women; Chirayu Yojana, which focuses on early screening and treatment of childhood diseases; and Mukhyamantri Bal Sandarbh Yojana, which facilitates referral services for high-risk maternal and child health cases. As Mukhyamantri Suposhan Yojana and Chirayu Yojana primarily target pregnant women and young children, awareness levels may vary depending on respondents’ life stage and caregiving responsibilities.
The objective of this study is to analyze awareness levels, information sources, perceived media credibility, and communication barriers in order to propose evidence-based strategies for designing effective health communication. By situating the findings in an Asian context, this research contributes localized evidence to broader discussions of public opinion and health communication.
This study is conceptually informed by established communication and health information theories, particularly diffusion of innovations theory (Rogers, 2003) and uses and gratifications theory (Katz et al., 1973). These frameworks explain how individuals seek, interpret, and adopt health-related information through different media channels. By applying these perspectives, the study conceptualizes media exposure not merely as information transmission but as a mechanism that actively shapes public opinion, awareness, and engagement with welfare initiatives.
Methods
Study Design
This research used a quantitative cross-sectional survey design supplemented with qualitative insights from open-ended questions. A mixed-methods approach was adopted to examine how media exposure influences awareness and perceptions of women and child welfare initiatives in Durg District, Chhattisgarh, India.
Data Collection
The study was conducted in Durg District, which includes both urban and rural populations with diverse media access patterns (Census of India, 2011). The target population was women aged 18 years and older, as they represent the primary beneficiaries of the selected welfare programs. A total of 400 respondents were recruited using a non-probability convenience sampling approach.
Convenience sampling was employed to facilitate field-based recruitment in community and public service settings, given logistical and time constraints. Participants were approached through household visits, community spaces, local marketplaces, Anganwadi centres, and catchment areas of Primary Health Centres (PHCs) in rural regions and Urban Primary Health Centres (UPHCs) in Durg district. Of the 400 respondents, 280 were recruited from PHC-served rural areas and 120 from UPHC-served urban areas to ensure inclusion of both populations. While this strategy enabled access to women from varied socio-economic and service-utilisation backgrounds, it may have introduced selection bias and limits the generalizability of findings beyond the study context.
Data collection was conducted in September 2023 using face-to-face paper–pencil surveys administered by trained field researchers. Participation was voluntary, and verbal consent was obtained prior to the survey. Ethical approval was not required under institutional policies in place at the time of data collection, as the study posed minimal risk and involved no intervention. All 400 approached women completed the questionnaire, resulting in a 100% response rate. Completed forms were subsequently digitized and entered into a secure database by the researcher.
Survey Instrument
A structured questionnaire was developed to capture four dimensions: (a) demographic characteristics, (b) media exposure and frequency of use, (c) awareness of four welfare programs (Mukhyamantri Bal Sandarbh Yojana, Chirayu Yojana, Mukhyamantri Suposhan Yojna, Dai Didi Clinic), and (d) perceptions of credibility and effectiveness of media sources. Both closed- and open-ended questions were included. A pilot test with 40 respondents was conducted to refine the instrument, yielding a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.898, which indicates excellent internal consistency (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Data Analysis
Quantitative data were analyzed using SPSS (version 26). Descriptive statistics were used to summarize demographic information, media usage, and awareness levels. Chi-square tests of independence were conducted to assess associations between demographic factors and media exposure patterns. Open-ended responses were analyzed using thematic analysis to identify recurrent themes and barriers to effective communication (Maguire & Delahunt, 2017).
Results
Participant characteristics indicated a diverse distribution across age, education, occupation, and economic status within the sample (Table 1).
Awareness of Government Programs
Overall, 78% of respondents reported awareness of at least one government health program. Awareness levels varied across specific initiatives. Mukhyamantri Suposhan Yojana and Dai Didi Clinic demonstrated comparatively high recognition, whereas Chirayu Yojana and Mukhyamantri Bal Sandarbh Yojana showed lower levels of public awareness (Table 2). No significant association was observed between awareness and age, χ2(4, N = 400) = 0.25, p = .619. Further analysis showed that 92.8% of respondents were aware of only one program, while 5.7% reported awareness of two or more programs, indicating limited overlap in familiarity across initiatives.
Sources of Information
Media emerged as the leading source of information about government health programs (46.3%), followed by direct visits to government hospitals (31.8%) and word of mouth (22.0%).
Media Consumption Patterns
Television was the most frequently accessed medium for health-related information (67.0%), followed by radio (56.3%), and newspapers (40.8%), while social media (25.3%) and magazines (6.0%) were less commonly used.
When asked about the most effective channel for health information (Table 3), respondents most frequently selected television (58.8%), followed by newspapers (19.5%), and the Internet (12.3%).
The frequency of accessing mass media for health information differed significantly by age group, χ2(16, N = 400) = 30.78, p = .014, indicating generational variation in media habits (Table 4).
Perceived Credibility and Effectiveness
A majority of respondents considered health information from mass media credible (51.3%), with an additional 26.8% rating it highly credible. Trust in government media was strong, with 58.5% preferring official sources compared to 24.5% for private media and 17.0% for both.
Most respondents agreed that media plays a vital role in raising public health awareness with a substantial proportion reporting that media “always” or “sometimes” influences their understanding of health issues. Similarly, many indicated that media exposure occasionally influences their personal health practices. Overall, 70.8% agreed or strongly agreed that media shaped their perception of government health initiatives.
Qualitative Insights
Open-ended responses highlighted barriers to effective communication, including:
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Structural: limited healthcare facilities, long wait times.
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Cultural: stigma surrounding women’s health.
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Media-related: misinformation, limited rural access, complex language.
These themes were reflected in participants’ own words. One respondent noted that “information about programs is often announced, but the language is difficult to understand, especially in rural areas.” Another participant emphasized the importance of trusted interpersonal sources, stating that “when the Mitanin (a community health worker) explains the program, we understand it better and trust the information more than television advertisements.”
Respondents recommended localized messaging in regional languages, greater use of radio and interpersonal communication, and involvement of trusted figures such as Mitanins and celebrities.
Discussion
This study highlights the critical role of media in shaping public opinion about women and child welfare programs in Chhattisgarh. The findings reveal notable differences in visibility across specific initiatives. Such variation suggests uneven communication effectiveness across initiatives, echoing previous evidence that program visibility depends heavily on targeted messaging and media engagement (Suresh, 2011).
Television emerged as the most widely used and trusted medium for general health information, consistent with studies in similar contexts where visual reach and mass appeal drive influence (McQuail, 2010). However, program-specific awareness was more strongly linked to radio and public announcements. This divergence aligns with uses and gratifications theory, which posits that individuals choose channels based on specific information needs (Katz et al., 1973). Television provides broad educational exposure, while radio and public announcements deliver practical, localized messages that resonate more immediately with communities.
The results also demonstrate strong trust in government media, with 58.5% of respondents preferring official channels over private ones. This credibility advantage reflects the findings of Gaziano and McGrath (1986) that perceptions of authority and reliability enhance message uptake. Leveraging this credibility is essential, especially in combating misinformation and ensuring that official health messages are not diluted by competing narratives.
Qualitative responses underscore persistent barriers: cultural stigma around women’s health, structural issues such as limited facilities, and communication challenges including complex language and rural media gaps. These findings mirror earlier studies emphasizing the importance of culturally sensitive, context-specific communication in India (P. Singh, 2022; Suresh, 2011). Respondents’ suggestions—simplified messaging, local language use, and involvement of trusted figures such as celebrities and Mitanins—demonstrate how public opinion actively informs preferences for communication strategies.
The implications are twofold. First, media is not a neutral conduit but an active shaper of perceptions: respondents reported that media both informed their awareness and influenced their views of government initiatives. Second, media effectiveness is not uniform; different programs, audiences, and contexts require tailored approaches. Integrating mass media campaigns with interpersonal communication, particularly through community health workers, can bridge credibility and accessibility gaps, as shown in prior research on community change agents (D. Singh et al., 2017).
In summary, the findings highlight the dual importance of channel credibility and cultural resonance in health communication. Public opinion is most positively shaped when official messages are clear, trusted, and adapted to local contexts. Without such alignment, even well-funded welfare programs risk underutilization.
Limitations
This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the use of a cross-sectional survey design restricts the ability to make causal inferences about the relationship between media exposure and awareness of welfare programs. Second, the reliance on convenience sampling may limit the representativeness of the sample, particularly given the diverse socio-economic and cultural backgrounds within Durg District. Third, data were self-reported, which may introduce recall bias or social desirability bias in responses about media use and awareness. Finally, while both quantitative and qualitative data were collected, the qualitative component was limited in scope and depth, which constrains the richness of contextual interpretation.
Future Research
Future research should address these limitations by adopting longitudinal or panel study designs that can better capture causal pathways between media exposure and behavioral outcomes. Probability-based sampling approaches would enhance representativeness and generalizability of findings beyond Durg District. More in-depth qualitative studies are also needed to explore cultural and social factors influencing perceptions of women and child welfare programs, particularly among marginalized groups. In addition, comparative studies across different Indian states, or within the broader Asian context, could provide valuable insights into how diverse media ecosystems shape public opinion about health and welfare initiatives.
Implications and Recommendations
The findings of this study carry meaningful implications for both policymakers and communication practitioners. Awareness of government welfare programs is not uniform, and media exposure plays a critical role in shaping public opinion and influencing program uptake.
For Policymakers
Reallocate Resources for Underrecognized Programs. Programs such as Chirayu Yojana and Mukhyamantri Bal Sandarbh Yojana require greater investment in targeted communication to achieve equitable awareness.
Strengthen Credibility Through Government Media. Respondents expressed higher trust in official sources compared with private media. Policymakers should prioritize consistent and transparent messaging through these channels.
Address Access Barriers. Policies should account for structural limitations, such as restricted rural media access and complex program procedures, by simplifying eligibility information and ensuring messages are available in local languages.
For Communication Practitioners
Segment and Tailor Strategies. Different age groups and socio-economic segments display varied media habits. Communication campaigns should be designed to meet these audience-specific needs, with greater use of radio and interpersonal communication for rural and older populations, and television and digital media for younger or urban audiences.
Integrate Mass and Interpersonal Channels. Multi-channel campaigns that combine media outreach with trusted frontline workers such as Mitanins can enhance message acceptance and bridge gaps in understanding.
Leverage Trusted Voices. The use of celebrities, community leaders, and relatable figures in campaigns can improve message resonance, especially in contexts where cultural stigma or misinformation persist.
Promote Success Stories. Sharing real-life testimonials of women and children who benefited from these programs can humanize government programs and foster positive public opinion.
For Public Opinion Research
These findings also have implications for the broader field of public opinion research in Asia. They highlight the importance of empirically examining how local media ecosystems influence citizens’ awareness, trust, and engagement with welfare initiatives. The case of Durg District demonstrates that media not only informs but also frames perceptions of state legitimacy and program effectiveness. Extending this research to other Asian contexts could enhance comparative understanding of how public opinion interacts with communication practices in shaping policy outcomes.
Conclusion
This study underscores the pivotal role of media in shaping awareness and public opinion regarding women and child welfare initiatives in Chhattisgarh’s Durg District. While overall awareness of government health programs was relatively high, substantial variation existed across specific programs, with some remaining underrecognized. Findings revealed that television and radio continue to serve as dominant sources of health information, yet program-specific communication often relied on public announcements and local channels. Importantly, government media was perceived as more credible than private sources, highlighting a critical opportunity for policymakers to build on existing trust.
By integrating mass media with interpersonal communication, simplifying program-related information, and leveraging culturally resonant voices, both policymakers and practitioners can strengthen communication strategies to improve program utilization. These insights contribute not only to the refinement of welfare communication in India but also to the broader study of public opinion in Asia, where media remains central to how citizens engage with health and social policies.